The Place of Doubt in
Islamic Epistemology:
Al-Ghazzali’s
Philosophical Experience
OSMAN BAKR
Authentic works attributed to Abu
Hamid Muhammad al-Ghazzali (450/1058-505/1111) are numerous, and they deal with
a vast range of subjects. But the specific work of his which has given rise to
many commentaries by scholars upon the problem of doubt in his philosophical
system is al-Munqidh min al-dalal (Deliverence
from Error)[1].
This autobiographical work,
written about five years before al-Ghazzali’s death and most probably after his
return to teaching at the Maimunah Nizamiyyah College at Naishapur in
Dhu’l-qa’dah 499/July 1106, following a long period of retirement to a life of
self-discipline and ascetic practices, has been variously compared by some
present-day scholars with the Confessions
of St. Augustine, with Newman’s Grammar
of Assent in its intellectual subtlety and as an apologia pro vita sua, and also with Bunyan’s Grace Abounding in its puritanical sense.[2] More
important, from the point of view of our present discussion, is the fact that
this work has often been cited to support the contention that the method of doubt is something central to
al-Ghazzali’s epistemology and system of thought, and that, in this question,
al-Ghazzali therefore anticipated Descartes (1596-1650).[3] In
fact, a number of comparative studies have been made concerning the place and
function of doubt in the philosophies
of the two thinkers.
Our aim in this chapter is to
discuss the meaning and significance of doubt
in the life and thought of al-Ghazzali, not as an anticipation of the
method of doubt or the sceptical attitude of modern western philosophy, but as
an integral element of the epistemology of Islamic intellectual tradition to
which al-Ghazzali properly belongs. We will seek to analyze the nature,
function and spirit of the Ghazzalian doubt. In discussing the above question,
we are mindful of two important factors. One is the specific intellectual,
religious, and spiritual climate prevailing in the Islamic world during the time
of al-Ghazzali, which no doubt constitutes the main external contributory
factor to the generation of doubt in the early phase of his intellectual life.
The other concerns the whole set of opportunities which Islam ever places at
the disposal of man in his quest for certainty, and what we know of
al-Ghazzali’s life tells us that he was very much exposed to these
opportunities. Further, the spirit of the Ghazzalian doubt can best be
understood when viewed in the context of the true purpose for which al-Munqidh has been written, and also in
the light of his later works.
In al-Munqidh, al-Ghazzali informs us of how in the prime of his life
he was inflicted with a mysterious malady of the soul, which lasted for nearly
two months during which time he was a sceptic in fact, but not in utterance and
doctrine.[4]
He was a student in his early twenties at the Nizamiyyah College in Naishapur
when he suffered from this disease of scepticism.
What is the nature of this
Ghazzalian doubt? Al-Ghazzali tells us that his doubt has been
generated in the course of his quest for certainty, that is, for knowledge of
the reality of things “as they really are” (haqaiq
al-umur)[5]. This
knowledge of the reality of things “as they really are” is what al-Ghazzali
calls al-’ilm al-yaqin, a sure and
certain knowledge which he defines as “that in which the thing known is made so
manifest that no doubt clings to it, nor is it accompanied by the possibility
of error and deception, nor can the mind even suppose such a possibility.”[6]
Something ought to be said here about this inner quest of al-Ghazzali, because
it is very much relevant to the theme of our present discussion. In fact, the
meaning of this quest should never be lost sight of if we want to understand
correctly the nature and significance of the Ghazzalian doubt.
In Islam, the quest for haqaiq al-umur originated with the famous prayer of the Prophet, in
which he asked God to show him “things as they really are”. This prayer of the
Prophet is essentially the prayer of the gnostic inasmuch as it refers to a
supra-rational or inner reality of things. And for this reason, the Sufis have
been the most faithful and consistent of the believers in echoing this prayer
of the Prophet. The famous Sufi, Jami (d. 1492), had this prayer beautifully
expanded, capturing in an eloquent manner the very spirit of the gnostic’s
inner quest:
O God, deliver us from
preoccupation with worldly vanities, and show us the nature of things “as they
really are”. Remove from our eyes the veil of ignorance, and show us things as
they really are. Show us not non-existence as existent, nor cast the veil of
non-existence over the beauty of existence. Make this phenomenal world the
mirror to reflect the manifestation of Thy beauty, not a veil to separate and
repel us from Thee. Cause these unreal phenomena of the Universe to be for us
the sources of knowledge and insight, not the causes of ignorance and
blindness. Our alienation and severance from Thy beauty all proceed from
ourselves. Deliver us from ourselves, and accord to us intimate knowledge of
Thee.[7]
Al-Ghazzali’s quest for certainty, as he defined it, is
none other than this quest of the Gnostic. Initially, however it was a purely
intellectual quest. There were both internal and external forces at work in
fueling that quest to the point of generating a period of intense doubt in the
youthful life of al-Ghazzali. Internally, by his own admission, his natural
intellectual disposition has always been to grasp the real meaning of things.
As for external forces, we have already referred to the most important of
these, namely, the various intellectual, religious and spiritual currents of
al-Ghazzali’s times, all of which must have engaged his highly reflective and
contemplative mind. It is quite clear from the Munqidh that these various
currents were of great concern to him.
In fact, al-Ghazzali traced the genesis of his famous
dobut to these currents. He was struck by the diversity of religious and
creeds, and by the fact that the followers of each religion cling stubbornly to
their inherited beliefs. One consequence of his critical reflection upon this
religious phenomenon was that he began to question uncritically inherited
religious beliefs. One consequence of his critical reflection upon this
religious phenomenon was that he began to question uncritically inherited
religious beliefs (taqlidat). But living as he was in an age in which
the idea of Transcendence was very much a living reality in the souls of men,
the problem of diversity of religions did not lead al-Ghazzali to the kind of
relativism that is rampant in modern times as a response to the same problem.[8] On the contrary, it was to lead
him to the search for the inner reality of human nature, that is, man’s
primordial nature (fitrah), which on the earthly plane becomes the
receptacle for the multiplicity of religious forms and expressions.
Contrary to the view held by some modern interpreters of
his thought, al-Ghazzali was not against taqlid as such. He never
advocated at any time for its total abandonment. In fact, he considered it
necessary for the simple believers whose minds are free of the kind of
intellectual curiosity one finds in philosophers and scientists, and who are
therefore content to accept things based on the authority of the experts.
Al-Ghazzali’s criticism of taqlid must be seen in the context o his
quest for the highest level of certainty, a quest which, in fact, though not in
principle, is the concern, not of the majority, but of the few like him. From
the point of view of this quest, taqlid is certainly a great impediment
to its realization. Consequently, al-Ghazzali let himself loose from the bonds
of taqlid (rabitat al-taqlid).
Here, one needs to make a clear distinction between taqlid,
which is a particular manner of acquiring ideas, and taqlidat which are
the ideas themselves. This distinction is somehow seldom noted by many students
of Ghazzalian thought. Al-Ghazzali’s rejection of taqlid for himself
stemmed from his methodological criticism of its inherent limitations, while in
accepting it for the simple-minded he was simply affirming an important aspect
of the subjective reality of the human order, namely, that individual human
beings differ from one another in intellectual capability. The unreliability of
taqlid stems from the fact that it is
susceptible to lending itself to both true and false taqlidat. The solution to the problem of false taqlidat, however, is not sought through the complete eradication
of taqlid, which is practically
impossible, but through addressing oneself to the question of the truth or
falsity of the taqlidat themselves.
Thus, in the Munqidh, al-Ghazzali
tells us how, after reflecting upon the problem of taqlid, he sought to sift out these taqlidat, to discern those that are true from those that are false.[9]
A lot of his intellectual efforts were indeed devoted to this task.
For al-Ghazzali, the positive
function of taqlid, namely, the
acceptance of truths based on authority, is to be protected by those who have
been entrusted with true knowledge, who constitute the legitimate authority to
interpret and clarify knowledge about religious and spiritual matters. As it
pertains to knowledge, another aspect of the reality of the human order
affirmed by al-Ghazzali is that there are degrees or levels of knowledge and, consequently,
of knowers. This view has its basis in the Quranic verse which al-Ghazzali
quoted: “God raises in degrees those of you who believe and those to whom
knowledge is given.”[10] In
Islamic theory of knowledge, there is a hierarchy of intellectual and spiritual
authorities culminating in the Holy Prophet, and ultimately God Himself. Faith (iman), which is a level of knowledge,
says al-Ghazzali, is the favorable acceptance (husn al-zann)[11] of knowledge based on hearsay and
experience of others, of which the most reliable is that of the Prophet.
There has been objection from
certain modernist circles that the idea of admissibility of taqlid for one group of people and its
prohibition for another is socially unacceptable and even dangerous, for it can
lead to the crystallization of a caste
system, which is against the very
spirit of Islam. What has been said above is actually already sufficient to
render this objection invalid. Nevertheless, we like to quote here the rebuttal
of a scholar who has bemoaned the banishment of the Islamic idea of hierarchy
of knowledge and of authorities at the hands of the modernists:
“In respect of the human order in
society, we do not in the least mean by ‘hierarchy’ that semblance of it
wherein oppression and exploitation and domination are legitimized as if they
were an established principle ordained by God ... The fact that hierarchical
disorders have prevailed in human society does not mean that hierarchy in the
human order is not valid, for there is, in point of fact, legitimate hierarchy in the order of creation, and this is the
Divine Order pervading all Creation and manifesting the occurrence of justice.”[12]
It is this idea of the hierarchy
of knowledge and of being which is central to al-Ghazzali’s epistemology and.
system of thought, and he himself would be the last person to say that such an
idea implies the legitimization of a social caste system in Islam.
To sum up our discussion of
al-Ghazzali’s methodological criticism of taqlid,
we can say that he was dissatisfied with it because it could not quench his
intense intellectual thirst. It was obvious to him at that young age that taqlid is an avenue to both truth and
error, but as to what is true and what is false there was an open sea of debate
around him, which disturbed him profoundly. It led him to contemplate upon one
of the most central questions in philosophy, namely, the question of what true
knowledge is, and this marked the beginning of an intensification of his
intellectual doubt.
Besides the problem of the diversity
of religions and creeds, in which a major issue was taqlid, there was another, and more important, religious and
spiritual current which contributed to the genesis of his doubt and which
deeply affected his mind. This he mentioned as the existence of numerous
schools of thought (madhdhib) and
groups (firaq) within the Community
of Islam itself, each with its own methods of understanding and affirming the
truth and each claiming that it alone is saved. Al-Ghazzali comments in the Munqidh that in this state of affairs of
the Community, which he likens to “a deep sea in which most men founder and
from which few only are saved”, one finds the fulfilment of the famous promise
of the Prophet: “My Community will split into seventy-odd sects, of which one
will be saved”.
The above religious climate was
not peculiar to the times of al-Ghazzali alone. A few centuries earlier,
al-Harith b. Asad al-Muhasibi (165/781-243-837)[13], another famous Sufi, whose
writings exercised a great influence on al-Ghazzali, lamented the similar
pitiful state of affairs into which the Islamic community has fallen. In fact,
the autobiographical character of the Munqidh
may have been modeled on the introduction to al-Muhasibi’s work, Kitab al-wasaya (or al-nasaih), which is
also autobiographical in character.[14]
The following extract from this
work reveals striking similarities to certain passages in the Munqidh, and gives some indication as to
the kind of religious climate prevailing during the time of al-Muhasibi:
It has come to pass in our days, that this
community is divided into seventy and more sects: of these, one only is the way
of salvation, and for the rest, God knows best concerning them. Now I have not
ceased, not so much as one moment of my life, to consider well the differences
into which the community has fallen, and to search after the clear way and the
true path, whereunto I have searched both theory and practice, and looked, for
guidance on the road to the world to come, to the directing of the theologians.
Moreover, I have studied much of the doctrine of Almighty God, with the
interpretation of the lawyers, and reflected upon the various conditions of the
community, and considered its diverse doctrines and sayings. Of all this I
understood as much as was appointed for me to understand: and I saw that their divergence was as it were a deep sea, wherein many
had been drowned, and but a small band escaped therefrom; and I saw every party
of them asserting that salvation was to be found in following them, and that he
would perish who opposed them ...[15]
It is interesting to note that,
although al-Ghazzali’s autobiographical work is more dramatic and eloquent than
that of al-Muhasibi, both men were led into an almost similar kind of
intellectual crisis through similar external circumstances. Both sought the
light of certainty and that knowledge which guarantees salvation, and they
found that light in Sufism. In the process, they accomplished a philosophical
as well as a sociological analysis of knowledge, the details of which remain to
be studied. But having said this much, we may add that al-Ghazzali’s
philosophical discussion of doubt (shakk)
and certainty (yaqin) can still
claim originality in more ways than one.
Having discussed the main factors
which contributed to the generation of the Ghazzalian doubt, and to his
formulation of the fundamental idea of “true knowledge” we now proceed to
investigate into the philosophical meaning and significance of this doubt. We
have seen earlier how al-Ghazzali defined the kind of certain and infallible
knowledge (al-`ilm al-yaqin) which he
was seeking. It is that knowledge which is completely free from any error or
doubt, and with which the heart finds complete satisfaction. Is such a kind of
certainty or certitude possible? It is significant that al-Ghazzali never
explicitly posed that question. But, armed with the above criteria of
certainty, he proceeded immediately to scrutinize the whole state of his
knowledge. He found himself “devoid of any knowledge answering the previous
description except in the case of sensedata (hissiyyat)
and the self-evident truths (daruriyyat)[16] “ He
then set out to induce doubt (tashkik) against
his sense-data to determine whether they could withstand his test of
infallibility and indubitability. The outcome of this effort, in which reason (`aql) appeared as judge over the claims
of the senses to certitude, was that his reliance on sense-data proved no
longer tenable. The charge of falsity leveled by reason against
sense-perceptions could not be rebutted by the senses.
With his reliance on sense-data
shattered, al-Ghazzali sought refuge in the certainty of rational data which
“belong to the category of primary truths, such as our asserting that `Ten is
more than three’, and `One and the same thing cannot -be simultaneously
affirmed and denied’, and `One and the same thing cannot be incipient and
eternal, existent and non-existent, necessary and impossible’ ”[17]. However, this refuge in the
rational data (`aqliyyat) too was not
safe from elements of doubt. This time, doubt crept in through an objection,
made on behalf of sense-data, against the claims of reason to certitude.
As explained in the Munqidh, these claims of reason are not
refuted in the same way reason itself has earlier refuted the claims of the
senses. They are merely subjected to doubt by means of analogical
argumentations. Still, it is a doubt which reason proves unable to dispel in an
incontrovertible manner. Reason is reminded of the possibility of another judge
superior to itself, which if it were to reveal itself would “give the lie to
the judgments of reason, just as the reason judge revealed itself and gave the
lie to the judgments of sense”.[18] The mere fact of the non-
appearance of this other judge does not prove the impossibility of its
existence.
This inner debate within the soul
of al-Ghazzali turned for the worse when its suggestion of the possibility of
another kind of perception beyond reason was reinforced by various kinds of
evidences and argumentations. First of all, an appeal was made to reason to
exercise the principle of analogy to the phenomena of dreaming. Through this
principle, reason would have realized that the relation of this suggested
supra-rational state to our waking state, when the senses and reason are fully
functional, is like the relation of the latter to our dreaming state. If our
waking state judges our imaginings and beliefs in the dreaming state to be
groundless, the supra-rational state likewise judges our rational beliefs.
This argumentation appears as if
al-Ghazzali, himself one of the most respected jurists, was addressing the
jurists and other proponents of reason, who were well-versed with the principle
of analogy. We are not suggesting here that these targeted groups were in
al-Ghazzali’s mind at the time he was experiencing this inner debate. His
indirect reference to them could well have surfaced at the time of his writing
the Munqidh inasmuch as this work was
written with a view of impressing upon the rationalists that Islamic
epistemology affirms suprarational perceptions as the real key to knowledge.
Thus, al-Ghazzali reproaches the rationalists in the Munqidh: “Therefore, whoever thinks that the unveiling of truth
depends on precisely formulated proofs has indeed straitened the broad mercy of
God”.[19]
Next to confront reason in
support of the possibility of a supra-rational state was the presence of a
group of people called the Sufis, who claimed that they had actually
experienced that state. They alleged that during their experience of these
supra rational states, they saw phenomena which are not in accord with the
normal data of reason. Finally, the last piece of evidence brought to the
attention of reason is the prophetic saying, “Men are asleep: then after they
die they awake”, and the Quranic verse “Thou was heedless of this; now have We
removed thy veil, and sharp is thy sight this day”[20]. Both the hadith and the Quranic
verse quoted refer to man’s state after death, and reason is told that, may be,
this is the state in question.
All these objections to the claim
of reason to have the final say to truth could not be refuted satisfactorily by
reason. The mysterious malady of al-Ghazzali’s soul, which lasted for nearly
two months, is none other than this inner tussle or tension between its
rational faculty and another faculty which mounts an appeal to the former,
through the senses, to accept its existence and the possibility of those
experiences that have been associated with its various powers, such as those
claimed by the Sufis. This other faculty, which is supra-rational and
supra-logical, is the intuitive faculty which, at this particular stage of
al-Ghazzali’s intellectual life, had not yet developed beyond the mere ability
to theorize and acknowledge the possibility of supra-rational experiences.
Later, during a period of intense spiritual life, he claimed to have been
invested with higher powers of the faculty, which disclosed to him innumerable
mysteries of the spiritual world.[21] These powers al-Ghazzali termed kashf (direct vision) and dhawq (translated as fruitional experience by McCarthy, and immediate experience by Watt)[22].
The gradational movement from
sense-data to rational data presented no serious difficulty, but the
first direct encounter between his rational and intuitive experiences proved to
be a painful one for al-Ghazzali. His two-month period of being “sceptic in
fact, but not in utterance and doctrine” was the period of having to endure
intense doubts about the reliability of his rational faculty in the face of
certain assertive manifestations of the intuitive faculty. His problem was one
of finding the rightful place for each of the human faculties of knowing within
the total scheme of knowledge, and, in particular, of establishing the right
relationship between reason and intuition, as this latter term is traditionally
understood.
Thus, when he was cured of this
sickness, not through rational arguments or logical proofs but through the
effect of a light (nur) which God
cast into his breast, his intellectual equilibrium was restored, and he once
again accepted the reliability of rational data of the category of daruriyyat. However, in this newfound
intellectual equilibrium, reason no longer occupied the dominant position it
used to have. In al-Ghazzali’s own words, that light which God cast into his breast
is the key to most knowledge”[23].
We do not agree with the view of
certain scholars that the method of doubt is something central to al-Ghazzali’s
epistemology and system of thought. The Munqidh
does not support the view that al-Ghazzali was advocating systematic doubt
as an instrument in the investigation of truth”[24]. And there is nothing to be
found in it, which is comparable to Descartes’ assertion that “it is necessary
once in one’s life to doubt of all things, so far as this is possible”[25]. This brings us to the question
of the true nature of al-Ghazzali’s first personal crisis.
McCarthy describes al-Ghazzali’s
crisis of scepticism as an epistemological crisis, which is of the intellect
alone, in contrast to his second personal crisis which is a crisis of
conscience, and of the spirit[26].
Father Poggi, whose Un Classico
delta Spiritualita Musulmana is considered by McCarthy to be one of the
finest studies on al-Ghazzali and the Munqidh,
does not consider the youthful scepticism of al-Ghazzali as real but purely
a methodical one[27]. Another celebrated Italian
Orientalist, Guiseppe Furlani, also agrees that the doubt of al-Ghazzali is not
that of a sceptic, but rather of a critic of knowledge[28].
We agree with the common view of
these scholars that, at the time of his crisis, al-Ghazzali was neither a
philosophical nor a religious sceptic, and that the crisis was an
epistemological or methodical one. The Munqidh
provides ample evidence to support this view. Al-Ghazzali was not a
philosophical sceptic because he never contested the value of metaphysical
certitude. He was always certain of the de
jure certitude of truth. Thus, as we have earlier mentioned, he never
questioned the possibility of knowledge of haqa’iq
al-umur. His natural, intellectual disposition toward seeking that
knowledge was, in a way, an affirmation of his personal conviction in the de jure certitude of truth.
According to Schuon, it is the
agnostics and other relativists who sought to demonstrate the illusory
character of the de jure certitude of
truth by opposing to it the de facto certitude
of error, as if the psychological phenomenon of false certitudes could prevent
true certitudes from being what they are and from having all their
effectiveness and as if the very existence of false certitudes did not prove in
its own way the existence of true ones[29]. As for al-Ghazzali, he never
fell into the above philosophical temptation of the agnostics and relativists.
His doubt was not of truth itself, but of modes of knowing and modes of
accepting truth. But, since by truth, he meant here the inner reality of
things, his quest for that reality also implied a quest for its corresponding
mode of knowledge.
His criticism of all modes of knowing that were then within his practical reach was motivated by a real theoretical awareness of the possibility of another mode of knowing, which the Sufis claim as theirs. In the case of al-Ghazzali, this possibility must have agitated his mind right from the time it was first impressed upon him through his direct personal encounter with the way of the Sufis. We may recall here the early educational background of al-Ghazzali. It was an education which was permeated by a strong influence of Sufism. His father, says al-Subki, was a pious dervish who spent as much time as he could in the company of the Sufis[30].
The first teacher to whom his
early education was entrusted was a pious Sufi friend of his. Studying together
with him then was his younger brother, Ahmad al-Ghazzaf (d. 1126) who, though
less famous, later made his mark as a great Sufi whose disciples include ‘Abd
al-Qahir Abu Najib al-Suhrawardi (d. 1168), the founder of the Suhrawardiyyah
Order, and most probably, as believed by a number of scholars, al-Ghazzali
himself. As a student at Naishapur, one of the subjects he studied was Sufism.
He also became a disciple to the Sufi, Abu `Ali al-Fadl ibn Muhammad ibn `Ali
al-Farmadhi al-Tusi, who was a pupil of al-Qushairi (d. 465/1074). Al-Ghazzali
learnt from al-Farmadhi (d. 477/1084) the theory and practice of Sufism and, under
the latter’s guidance, even indulged in certain ascetic and spiritual
practices.
He was increasingly attracted to
the idea of a direct personal experience of God emphasized by the Sufis.
However, he felt a bit disheartened when, in these early attempts at following
the Sufi path, he failed to attain that stage where the mystics begin to
receive pure inspiration from “high above”[31]. In the light of this
background, there is a strong reason to believe that Sufism plays a central
role in leading al-Ghazzali to his epistemological crisis. Al-Ghazzali’s doubt
of the trustworthiness of reason was not generated from “below” or by the
reflection of reason upon its own self, but was suggested from “above” as a
result of his acquaintance with the Sufi’s mode of knowledge, which claims to
be supra-rational and which “offers its own critique of reason”. Likewise, the
doubt was removed not through the power of reason, but from “above” as a result
of the light of divine grace, which restores to each faculty of knowledge its
rightful position and its validity and trustworthiness at its own level.
Al-Ghazzali was also never at any
time a religious sceptic. He tells us in the Munqidh that, throughout his quest for certainty, he always had an
unshakable belief in the three fundamentals of the Islamic faith:
“From the sciences which I had
practiced and the methods which I had followed in my inquiry into the two kinds
of knowledge, revealed and rational, I had already acquired a sure and certain
faith in God Most High, in the prophetic mediation of revelation, and in the
Last Day. These three fundamentals of our Faith had become deeply rooted in my
soul, not because of any specific, precisely formulated proofs, but because of
reasons and circumstances and experiences too many to list in detail.”[32]
The above quotation is yet
another evidence provided by the Munqidh that
al-Ghazzali’s so called scepticism is not to be equated with the scepticism
encountered in modern western philosophy. The doubting mind of al-Ghazzali was
never cut off from revelation and faith. On the contrary, it was based upon a
“sure and certain” faith in the fundamentals of religion. As for the doubting
mind of the modern sceptic, it is cut off from both the intellect and
revelation and, in the pursuit of its directionless activity, it has turned
against. faith itself. Now, what is the distinction between the “sure and
certain” faith which al-Ghazzali always had and that certainty which he was
ever eager to seek? We will deal briefly with this question because in its very
answer lies the significance of the Ghazzalian doubt and also because charges
have been leveled against al-Ghazzali by scholars like J. Obermann[33]
that his haunting doubts of objective reality led him to find sanctuary in
religious subjectivism.
The answer to the above question
is to be found in the idea of certainty (yaqin)
in Islamic gnosis. There are degrees of certainty: in the terminology of
the Quran, these are `ilm al-yaqin (science
of certainty), `ayn al-yaqin (vision
of certainty) and haqq al yaqin (truth
of certainty). These have been respectively compared to hearing about the
description of fire, seeing fire and being consumed by fire[34]. As applied to al-Ghazzaii’s
quest for certainty, the “sure and certain” faith, which he claimed he had
acquired from his inquiry into the various sciences, referred to `ilm al-yaqin, since his acceptance of
the truths concerned was inferential in nature, based as it was upon data
furnished by revelation and the authority of the Prophet. In other words, at
the level of faith, the particular truth which is the object of the faith is
not known directly or with immediacy. Nevertheless, to the extent that in one’s
act of faith one participates in the truth through both reason and heart, faith
already implies a particular level of knowledge and of certainty. Thus, from
the beginning of al-Ghazzali’s quest for the true knowledge of the Real, a
certain element of certitude was always present.
In the Kitab al-`ilm (Book of Knowledge) of his magnum opus, Ihya’ ‘ulum al-din (The Revivification of the
Religious Sciences), al-Ghazzali discussed the usage of the term yaqin by the major
intellectual schools of Islam up to his time. He identified two distinct
meanings to which the term was being applied. In one group were the
philosophers (nuzzir) and the
theologians (mutakallimun), who
employed the term to signify lack or negation of doubt, in the sense that the
knowledge or the truth in question is established from evidence which leaves no
place for any possibility of doubt[35]. The second meaning of the term yaqin was the one adopted by the jurists
and the Sufis as well as most of the learned men. Yaqin, in this case, refers to the intensity of religious faith or
fervor which involves both the acceptance, by the soul, of that which “prevails
over the heart and takes hold of it” and the submission of the soul to that
thing in question.
For al-Ghazzali, both kinds of yaqin need to be strengthened, but it is
the second kind of yaqin which is the
nobler of the two, since without it serving as an epistemological basis for the
first kind of yaqin, the latter would
definitely lack epistemic substance and value. Moreover, it fosters religious
and spiritual obedience, and praiseworthy habits. In other words, philosophical
certainty is of no value if it is not accompanied by submission to the truth
and by the transformation of one’s being in conformity with that truth.
Although the jurists and the Sufis both have been identified with the second
kind of yaqin, they are generally
concerned with different levels of yaqin.
The Sufis are basically concerned with a direct or immediate experience of
the Truth, and with submission to the Pure Spirit not merely at the level of
external meanings of the Shariah (Divine
Law) but at all levels of the selfhood. For this reason, the degrees of
certainty earlier mentioned properly belong to ma’rifah (Islamic gnosis) rather than to fiqh (jurisprudence). In al-Ghazzali’s popular terminology in the Ihya’, these belong to ‘ilm al-mukashafah (science of revelation)
and not to ‘ilm al-mu’amalah (science
of practical religion).
Reverting back to al-Ghazzali’s
“sure and certain faith”, there are, with respect to his ultimate goal,
deficiencies both in his modes of knowing and in the submission of his whole
being. Deficiency in the former was a root cause of his first personal crisis
which, as we have seen, was epistemological in nature. Deficiency in the latter
had a lot to do with his second personal crisis which was spiritual, although
the two crisis are not unrelated. We have identified al-Ghazzali’s “sure and
certain faith” with certainty at the level of ‘ilm alyaqin which refers to a particular manner of participation
in the Truth. Objectively, if doubts could be generated about the
trustworthiness of ‘ilm al-yaqin as being
the highest level of certainty, it is because a higher level of certitude is
possible, for as Schuon profoundly says, if man is able to doubt, this is
because certitude exists[36].
Al-Ghazzali’s acquaintance with
the methodology of the Sufis made him aware of the de jure certitude of truth of a higher level. At the time of his
epistemological crisis, he was only certain of this certitude in the sense of ‘ilm al-yaqin. After the crisis, as a
result of the light of intellectual intuition which he received from Heaven,
that certainty was elevated to the level of ‘ayn
al-yaqin. This newfound certainty was not the end of al-Ghazzali’s
intellectual and spiritual quest. He had a longing for the mystical experience
of the Sufis. He had indulged in some of their spiritual practices but without
success in terms of fruitional experience. This must have been a lingering
source of inner discontent in him. He was to realize later his major fault: he
was too engrossed in worldly desires and ambitions such as fame and fortune[37], while the efficacy of spiritual
practices presupposes a certain frame of mind and a certain level of spiritual
virtues like the sincerity of one’s intention.
Al-Ghazzali mentions in the Munqidh that immediately after his first
crisis was over, he proceeded to study with greater thoroughness the views and
methods of the various seekers of the Truth. He divided the seekers into four
groups. These were “the mutakallimun (theologians)
who allege that they are men of independent judgment and reasoning; the batinites who claim to be the unique
possessors of al-ta`lim (authoritative
instruction) and the privileged recipients of knowledge acquired from the
Infallible Imam; the philosophers who
maintain that they are the men of logic and apodeictic demonstration; and
finally the Sufis who claim to be the familiars of the Divine Presence and the
men of mystic vision and illumination”[38]. There is no doubt that
al-Ghazzali had undertaken this comparative study of all the classes of seekers
of the Truth with the view of exhausting all the possibilities and
opportunities that were open to him in the pursuit of the highest level of
certainty, although by then one could already detect in him a special
inclination and sympathy toward Sufism.
At the end of this thorough
study, he came to the conclusion that “the Sufis were masters of states (arbab al-ahwal) and not purveyors of
words (ashab al-aqwal)”[39]. He also came to realize that
there was a great difference between theoretical knowledge and realized
knowledge. To illustrate the difference he gave the following example. There is
a great difference between our knowing the
definitions, causes, and conditions of health and satiety and our being healthy and sated, between our knowing the definition of drunkenness
and our beingdrunk, and between our knowing
the true nature and conditions of asceticism and our actually practicing asceticism. Certitude derived
from realized knowledge is what haqq
al-yaqin is. This knowledge is
free from error and doubt because it is not based on conjecture or
mental concepts, but it resides in the heart and thus involves the whole of
man’s being[40].
Realized knowledge, however,
demands the transformation of the knower’s being. The distinctive
characteristic of the Sufi mode of knowledge, says al-Ghazzali, is that it
seeks the removal of deformations of the soul such as pride, passional
attachment to the world and a host of other reprehensible habits and vicious
qualities, all of which stand as obstacles to the realization of that
knowledge, in order to attain a heart empty of all save God and adorned with
the constant remembrance of God[41]. This led al-Ghazzali to reflect
upon his own state of being. He realized the pitiful state of his soul and
became certain that he was “on the brink of a crumbling bank and already on the
verge of falling into the Fire”[42] unless he set about mending his
ways. Before him now lies the most important decision he has to make in his
life. For about six months he incessantly vacillated between the contending
pull of worldly desires and the appeals of the afterlife. This is al-Ghazzali’s
second personal crisis which is spiritual and far more serious than the first,
because it involves a decision of having to abandon one kind of life for
another which is essentially opposed to the former. He tells us how, at last,
when he has completely lost his capacity to make a choice, God delivers him
from the crisis by making it easy for his heart to turn away from the
attractions of the world. In the spiritual path of the Sufis, al-Ghazzali found
the light of certainty that he has tirelessly sought from the beginning of his
intellectual awareness of what that certainty is.
It is therefore in the light of
Islamic epistemology and, especially in the light of the idea of degrees of
certainty (yaqin) in Islamic gnosis
that the famous Ghazzalian doubt should be studied and understood. When
al-Ghazzali turned to his own inner being to find the light of certainty, it
was not an exercise in religious subjectivism or an act of disillusionment with
objective reality, as maintained by scholars like Obermann and Furlani. On the
contrary, al-Ghazzali was drawn to the highest objective reality that is. The
Ultimate Truth underlying objective reality is identical to the Supreme Self
underlying human selfhood or man’s subjective consciousness. The intellectual
and spiritual tradition in which al-Ghazali lived and thought made him fully
aware of the fact that what veils man from this highest reality is the darkness
of his own soul. Therefore in turning to his own inner being, al-Ghazzali was
merely following that traditional path which alone could guarantee, by divine
grace, the removal of that veil. This is the universal path of all the real
seekers of the Truth, of which al-Ghazzali was an outstanding example.
[1] The title of the book occurs in two readings. One
is A!-Munqidh min al-dalal wall-mufsil
‘an al-ahwal (What Saves from Error and Manifests the States of the Soul);
the other is Al-Munqidh min al-dalal
wa’l-Muwassil (or: al-Musil) ili dhi’l-’iza wa’l jalal (What Saves from
Error and Unites with the Possessor of Power and Glory).
For an annotated English translation of this work, based upon the
earliest available manuscript, as well as translations of a number of
al-Ghazzali’s other works that are specifically mentioned in the Munqidh, see R. Joseph McCarthy, Freedom and Fulfillment: An Annotated
Translation of al-Ghazali’s al-Munqidh min al-dalal and Other Relevant Works of
al-Ghazzali (Boston, 1980). For references to translations of the Munqidh into various languages, see p.
xxv.
[2] See M. ‘Umaruddin, The Ethical Philosophy of al-Ghazzali (Lahore, 1977), p. 286, note
2 to chap. IV; also, Wensinck, La Pensee
de Ghazzali, p. 111.
[3] See M. lqbal, The
Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (Lahore: Iqbal Academy
Pakistan & Institute of Islamic Culture, 1989), p. 102; M. Saeed Sheikh,
“Al-Ghazzali: Metaphysics” in M. M. Sharif, A
History of Muslim Philosophy (Wiesbaden, 1963), vol. 1, pp. 587-588; Sami
M. Najm, “The Place and Function of Doubt in the Philosophies of Descartes and
al-Ghazzali”; and also W. Montgomery Watt, The
Faith and Practice of al-Ghazali (Chicago 1982), p. 12.
[4] McCarthy, op.cit.,
p.66.
[5] Al-Ghazzali, Munqidh
min al-dalal, p. 11. The
text cited here is the one published together with its French translation by
Farid Jabre, Erreur et Deliverance (Beirut,
1969).
[6] McCarthy, op. cit., p. 63.
[7] Jami, Lawa’ih, A Treatise On Sufism, trans. E. H.
Whinfield and M. M. Kazvini, (London: Royal Asiatic Society, 1914), p. 2.
[8] For a profound critique of the modern
interpretation of the meaning of diversity of religions, see F. Schoun, Gnosis:
Divine Wisdom (Middlesex: Perennial book, 1978), Chap. 1.
[9] Al-Ghazzali, Munqidh
..., p. 11.
[10] The Quran, Chapter LVIII (The Woman who
Pleads), Verse 11. See McCarthy, op.
cit., p.96.
[11] Al-Ghazzali, Munqidh, p.40.
[12] al-Attas, S.M.N., Islam and Secularism (Kuala Lumpur: ABIM, 1978), p.101.
[13] On the life and teaching of this early Sufi
figure, see Margaret Smith, An Early
Mystic of Baghdad: A Study of the Life and Teaching of Harith ibn Asad
al-Muhasibi (London, 1935).
[14] See A.J. Arberry, Sufsm: An Account of the Mystics of Islam (London: Unwin Paperback,
1979), p.47.
[15] Ibid, pp.47-48,
italics mine. Compare the italics portion with McCarthy, op. cit., pp. 62-63.
[16] McCarthy, op. cit.,
p. 64.
[17] Ibid, p.65.
[18] Ibid
[19] Ibid, p. 66.
[20] The Quran, Chapter
L (Qaf), Verse 22.
[21] McCarthy, op. cit., p.94.
[22] Ibid, p.95; Watt, op. cit., p.62. On the various terms used in Islamic
thought for intuition, and on the question of the relationship between
intellect and intuition in the Islamic perspective, see Nasr, “Intellect and
Intuition...”
[23] Al-Ghazzali, Munqidh..., p. 13.
[24] This
view is discussed in Sami M. Najm, op.
cit.
[25] Descartes, Principles, pt. 1,1 in The
Philosophical Works of Descartes, trans. E.S. Haldane and G.R.T. Ross, (New
York, 1955).
[26] McCarthy, op.
cit., p.xxix.
[27] Vincenzo M. Poggi, Un classico delta Spiritualita Musulmana (Rome: Libreria dell’
Universita Gregoriana, 1967), p. 171.
[28] Giuseppe Furlani, “Dr.J, Obermann, Der philos.
and regligiose Subjektivismus Ghazalis,” (Recensione) in Revista trimestrale di studi filosoficie religiose, vol.111, no.2,
pp. 340-53, (Perugia, 1922). McCarthy in his above cited work provides an
English translation of some excerpts from Furlani’s above review, see pp.
388-390.
[29] F. Schuon, Logic
and Transcendence, p.44.
[30] Al-Subki, Tabaqat
al-shaf’iyyah al-kubra (Cairo, 1324/1906), vol. IV, p. 102, quoted in M.
Saeed Sheikh, op. cit., pp. 582-283.
[31] Ibn Khallikan, Wafayat al-ayan, English translation by de Slane, (Paris,
1842-1871), vol. 11, p.122.
[32] McCarthy, Munqidh..., pp. 90-91
[33] J. Obermann, Der philosophische and religiose
Subjektivismus Ghazzalis’ Ein Beitragzum Problem der Religions (Wien and
Leipzig, 1921), p. 20.
[34] See Nasr, Knowledge
and the Sacred (New York: Crossroad, 1981), p.325; also Abu Bakr Siraj al-Din, The Book of Certainty (New York, 1974).
[35] Al-Ghazzali Kitb
al-‘ilm, English trans. By Nabih Amin Faris, (Lahore, 1974), pp. 193-194.
[36] Schuon, op.
cit., p.13.
[37] McCarthy, op. pt., p.91.
[38] Ibid, p. 67.
[39] Al-Ghazzali, Munqidh
..., p.35.
[40] Nasr, op.
cit., p.325.
[41] McCarthy, op.
cit., p.90.
[42] Ibid, p.91.
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