vii.
GÚAZAÚLÈ
AND
THE
BAÚTáENÈS
The
Ba@tÂen^ya,
or
Isma¿ilis,
occupied
GÚaza@l^'s
mind
throughout
his
writing
career.
He
devoted
more
space
to
refuting
them
than
to
any
other
school
of
Islamic
thought.
Even
in
his
autobiographical
al-Monqedò
men
al-zµala@l,
written
late
in
his
life,
he
singled
them
out
for
lengthy
denunciation
after
having
critically
discussed
kala@m
theology
and
philosophy
and
before
endorsing
Sufism
as
the
most
fulfilling
form
of
Islam.
This
preoccupation
reflected
his
concern
about
the
reinvigorated
Isma¿ili
missionary
activity
in
contemporary
Persia
organized
by
the
da@¿^s
(q.v.)
¿Abd-al-Malek
b.
¿AtÂtÂa@æ
and
Háasan-e
Sáabba@há.
Deeply
committed
to
the
Sunnite
caliphate
and
anti-Shi¿ite,
he
saw
in
the
Isma¿ili
movement
a
grave
political
threat.
Although
he
recognized
certain
affinities
between
his
own
and
Isma¿ili
religious
thought,
it
is
unlikely
that
he
was
ever
attracted
to
Isma¿ilism.
There
is,
on
the
other
hand,
no
sound
evidence
that
he
ever
felt
personally
threatened
by
the
Isma¿ilis
and
that
he,
as
suggested
by
Farid
Jabre
(pp.
84-94),
gave
up
his
prestigious
teaching
position
in
Baghdad
and
went
into
hiding
afraid
for
his
life
because
of
the
assassination
of
his
patron,
the
vizier
Nezáa@m-al-Molk,
by
a
feda@÷^
(q.v.)
in
485/1092.
The
first
and
most
comprehensive
refutation
of
Isma¿ilism
by
GÚaza@l^
was
his
Keta@b
fazµa@÷ehá
al-Ba@táen^ya
wa-fazµa@÷el
al-Mostazáher^ya,
often
simply
called
al-Mostazáher^.
It
was,
as
the
title
indicates,
commissioned
by
the
¿Abbasid
caliph
al-Mostazáher
and
was
composed
in
Baghdad
between
al-Mostazáher's
accession
in
Moháarram
487/February
1094
and
the
death
of
the
Fatimid
caliph
al-Mostansáer
in
D¨u'l-H®ejja/December
of
that
year.
The
refutation
was
largely
based
on
the
earlier
tradition
of
anti-Isma¿ili
polemics.
In
particular
Gaza@l^
appears
to
have
relied
on
the
Keta@b
kaæf
al-asra@r
wa-hatk
al-asta@r
of
the
Ash¿arite
Abu@
Bakr
Moháammad
b.
T®ayyeb
Ba@qella@n^
(d.
403/1013),
as
noted
by
himself
or
a
gloss
in
his
Eháya@÷
¿olu@m
al-d^n
(see
Goldziher,
p.
16).
Thus
he
repeated
the
black
legend
of
the
polemicists
about
Isma¿ilism
having
been
founded
by
a
clique
of
atheist
conspirators
seeking
to
destroy
the
rule
of
Islam,
quotes
Ba@qella@n^'s
characterization
of
Isma¿ilism
as
"a
doctrine
whose
exterior
was
Shi¿ite
rejectionism
and
whose
interior
was
pure
unbelief
(madòhab
záa@herohu
al-rafzµ
wa-ba@táenohu
al-kofr
al-maházµ)"
(Goldziher,
Ar.
text,
p.
7)
and
lists
among
the
names
under
which
the
Isma¿ilis
were
said
to
be
known
those
of
Persian
Mazdakite
heresies
such
as
the
K¨orram^ya,
Ba@bak^ya,
and
Moháammera
with
whom
the
polemicists
tried
to
associate
them.
He
describes
nine
fictitious
degrees
of
initiation,
also
known
from
other
polemicists,
through
which
the
Isma¿ili
da@¿^s
allegedly
guided
the
neophytes
from
scrutiny
(tafarros)
to
the
stripping
away
of
all
religious
belief
(salkò),
and
characterizes
Isma¿ilism
as
moving
between
doctrines
of
dualists
and
the
philosophers
while
distorting
both
of
them
to
serve
their
purposes.
GÚaza@l^,
however,
does
not
mention
the
most
notorious
pamphlet
ascribed
by
the
polemicists,
including
Ba@qella@n^,
for
defamatory
purposes
to
the
Isma¿ilis,
the
Keta@b
al-s^a@sa
wa'l-bala@g@
al-akbar
(see
Stern,
chap.
4)
and
admits
that
the
Isma¿ilis
in
his
time
universally
denied
some
of
the
accusations
of
the
polemicists
against
them,
such
as
their
alleged
disregard
of
the
æar^¿a.
In
mentioning
their
being
called
Ta¿l^m^ya,
GÚaza@l^
notes
that
this
name
is
the
most
appropriate
for
the
Ba@tÂen^ya
of
his
own
age
because
of
their
call
for
reliance
on
ta¿l^m,
inspired
instruction
by
their
infallible
(ma¿sáu@m)
imam,
and
their
rejection
of
personal
reasoning
(ra÷y).
This
observation
reflects
his
awareness
of
the
thrust
of
the
propaganda
of
the
new
da¿wa
of
Háasan-e
Sáabba@há.
He
stresses
the
need
to
counter
this
doctrine
and
devotes
a
chapter
to
refuting
it
in
particular.
In
another
chapter
he
discusses
the
legal
status
of
the
Isma¿ilis.
While
he
describes
some
of
their
basic
Shi¿ite
beliefs
as
merely
error
not
constituting
unbelief,
he
considers
others
as
definite
unbelief
requiring
their
treatment
as
apostates
subject
to
the
death
penalty.
In
his
later
Faysáal
al-tafreqa
(p.
198),
he
brands
the
Isma¿ili
doctrine
that
God
can
only
be
described
as
giving
existence,
knowledge,
and
unity
to
others
while
Himself
being
above
such
qualification
as
manifest
unbelief
(kofr
sáora@h).
The
final
section
of
the
Mostazáher^
is
devoted
to
the
exaltation
of
the
caliph
al-Mostazáher
as
the
sole
legitimate
vice-gerent
of
God
(kòal^fat
Alla@h)
on
earth
and
to
the
functions
of
the
imam
according
to
the
Sunnite
doctrine
(Goldziher,
pp.
80-97).
Nowhere
in
his
refutation
does
GÚaza@l^
quote
or
name
any
Isma¿ili
authors.
The
reason
was
evidently,
as
he
explains
in
his
Monqedò
(p.
28),
his
agreement
with
the
opinion
of
Ahámad
b.
H®anbal
that
the
arguments
of
heretics
should
not
be
quoted
in
refuting
them
lest
some
readers
might
get
attracted
by
them.
GÚaza@l^
defends
himself
that
he
refuted
only
arguments
that
were
widely
known
among
the
public.
His
reliance
on
the
anti-Isma¿ili
polemical
literature,
however,
made
it
easy
for
the
Yemenite
Isma¿ili
da@¿^
motálaq
¿Al^
b.
Moháammad
b.
Wal^d
(d.
612/1215)
in
his
detailed
refutation
of
the
Mostazáher^,
entitled
Da@meg@
al-ba@táel,
to
point
out
GÚaza@l^'s
numerous
distortions
and
misrepresentations
of
Isma¿ili
teaching.
In
his
Monqedò,
GÚaza@l^
names
four
other
books
besides
the
Mostazáher^,
in
which
he
refuted
Isma¿ili
doctrine.
Of
these
only
one
is
extant,
namely
the
Keta@b
al-qostáa@s
al-mostaq^m.
In
this
book
he
describes
an
imaginary
debate
between
himself
and
an
Isma¿ili
about
the
question
of
ta¿l^m,
in
which
his
opponent
eventually
concedes
defeat
and
asks
GaÚza@l^
to
become
his
teacher,
which
the
latter
refuses.
GÚaza@l^
accepts
the
universal
human
need
for
an
infallible
teacher
as
stipulated
by
his
opponent,
but
he
insists
that
the
sound
balance
for
weighing
religious
truth
is
provided
by
the
Koran
and
the
teaching
of
the
Prophet
Moháammad
without
any
need
for
an
infallible
imam
after
him.
Also
extant
is
GÚaza@l^'s
Jawa@b
al-masa@÷el
al-arba¿
allat^
sa÷alaha@
al-Ba@táen^ya
be-Hamada@n
(see
Badaw^,
pp.
132-34).
It
contains
brief
answers
to
four
questions
concerning
the
compatibility
of
takl^f,
the
imposition
of
duties
on
man,
by
a
God
who
was
believed
to
be
self-sufficient
(g@an^).
GÚaza@l^
further
wrote
a
refutation
in
Persian
of
the
"Four
Chapters"
(al-Fosáu@l
al-arba¿a)
in
which
H®asan-e
S®abba@há
had
set
forth
his
argument
for
mankind's
need
of
an
infallible
teacher.
The
beginning
of
the
refutation
is
quoted
by
Fakòr-al-D^n
Ra@z^
in
Mona@záara@t
and
criticized
as
an
inadequate
response
to
H®asan-e
S®abba@há's
argument
(Kholeif,
pp.
63-65,
Ar.
text
pp.
40-42).
The
question
of
ta¿l^m
evidently
concerned
GÚaza@l^
in
his
later
life
more
than
any
other
aspect
of
Isma¿ili
thought.
In
his
Monqedò,
too,
he
speaks
of
Isma¿ilism
only
as
the
madòhab
al-ta¿l^m.
He
severely
criticizes
those
opponents
of
the
Isma¿ilis
who
endeavored
to
refute
their
assertion
of
the
need
for
ta¿l^m
and
an
infallible
teacher,
suggesting
that
they
lost
the
argument
and
thus
strengthened
the
cause
of
the
heretics.
The
proper
way
was
to
argue
that
Moháammad
was
the
infallible
teacher
of
all
Muslims
and
that
his
death
after
God
had
announced
the
perfection
of
their
religion
(Koran
5:3)
could
not
be
any
more
detrimental
to
them
than
the
inaccessibility
of
the
allegedly
infallible
imam
to
most
Isma¿ilis.
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b.
Moháammad
b.
Wal^d,
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al-ba@táel
wa-háatf
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GÚa@leb,
2
vols.,
Beirut,
1982.
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Badaw^,
Mo÷allafa@t
al-GÚaza@l^,
Cairo,
1961.
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Corbin,
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(WILFERD
MADELUNG)
viii.
IMPACT
ON
ISLAMIC
THOUGHT.
See
Supplement.
|